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Evangelii Gaudium, One More Time

(This post has been sitting around almost finished for a week or two; time to go ahead and get it out of the way.)

It's unfortunate that the political aspects of Evangelii Gaudium have so overshadowed its focus on evangelization. But since they have, I find myself wanting to respond further to it and to note some other commentary that I thought worthwhile.

Something in this response by a Catholic investment banker really caught my eye. Don't be too put off by the headline; the piece itself is not as negative and combative as it suggests:

My gripe with the pope? By inserting a phrase like “trickle-down economics” in his powerful message, he let us all off the hook too easily. That simplistic caricature absolved us from thinking afresh and allowed everyone to retreat into their Republican or Democratic ideological foxholes, parrot empty catchphrases about the economy, indulge the same polarized debates that that have divided Catholics (and the rest of us) for decades, and then call it day without ever confronting the real lives of the real subjects of the pope’s comments.

This is very much like a part of my own reaction. It's not that I think Francis spoke too harshly of “capitalism”--a word which does not appear in the document and always means different things to different people, so that one can never discuss it without tedious debate over what exactly it means—or whatever you want to call the economic system. It's that I think he spoke too vaguely, too imprecisely, and in a way that doesn't challenge the individual conscience. If “the system” is the problem, no one in particular is really at fault and no one in particular is obliged to do anything in particular about it, except perhaps to add a bit more noise to the political din. 

This passage in particular bothered me:

As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems.

Any problems? At all? What is one supposed to do in response to this? All right, I reject the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation. Now, what precisely shall I attack? Shall I write an indignant blog post? Run for president? “Speak out for justice,” a phrase rendered tiresome by its employment in hundreds of meretricious causes? Will any of those things help anyone, or change the situation?

By approaching the problem at the level of economic theory, but in an imprecise and fragmentary way, the pope opened the way for it to remain in the realm of debate, as has in fact happened. The exhortation is rendered ineffectual, or anyway of less effect, because it has no particular application to anyone in particular.

To be fair, the pope does say this:

Growth in justice requires more than economic growth, while presupposing such growth: it requires decisions, programmes, mechanisms and processes specifically geared to a better distribution of income, the creation of sources of employment and an integral promotion of the poor which goes beyond a simple welfare mentality.

And it's not the pope's fault that it hasn't gotten the attention that some of the condemnations of the system have. Still, what the investment banker describes is what seems, for the most part, to have happened. Catholics on the political left feel entitled to pummel those on the right somewhat harder, and those on the right feel defensive, but that debate has not changed significantly. Instead of a call to repentance and conversion, we heard a call to argument and finger-pointing.

Pro-market Catholics can say, with justification, that the ideas the pope condemns are not the ideas they hold. We Americans tend to assume he's talking about our situation. But the pope's description of a pure libertarian capitalism is not a view which is held by many American Catholic thinkers. The debate among Catholics in this country is not between proponents of total state control of the economy and proponents of a system entirely off-limits to state control, between Marx and Rand. It's a debate about the appropriate amount of state control over an economy which is fundamentally market-based. (Not that there aren't pure Marxists and pure Randians, but they aren't the pope's audience.)

I would like to see the pope address these questions in a way that leaves no room for debate on certain core questions. I wouldn't mind seeing a few anathemas. Like this, maybe:

If anyone should say that the goods of this world are not meant for the maintenance of all, and that those who have a greater share of these goods, even if obtained by their own industry, do not sin when they refuse to share their wealth with those who have little or nothing, let him be anathema.

Or, to borrow a phrase from EG itself:

If anyone should “reject the right of states, charged with vigilance for the common good, to exercise any form of control” (EG 56) of the economy, let him be anathema.

I could go on with a number of these. I would like to see the Magisterium state these things in no uncertain terms, for our time, setting clear boundaries for the ideas and principles involved. Then let the rest of us, agreed on the destination, argue about how to get there, and give our own views a searching look in light of these principles.

And the pope, or perhaps more fittingly the bishops, individually or together, could bring the admonitions home by naming specific situations. No Catholic businessman, for instance, should feel at ease in his conscience if he makes enough money in a single year to support a family in comfort for twenty years while failing to pay his employees enough to live on.

Nor should any of us feel exempted. Ultimately the reason so many American jobs have gone abroad or to illegal immigrants at home is that the people at large did not want to pay the higher prices that would be required if these jobs were done by Americans for an American living wage. All of us can consider such things in our daily life.

I know such examples barely touch on the complexity of the problems. And I'm talking only about the American situation. Both liberals and conservatives here have reacted as if Francis were talking mainly to them, but that is surely not the case. The diversity and complexity of the problems across the world make sweeping attacks on “the system” even more vague, diffuse, and difficult to apply. Social justice is only the sum of millions of personal acts. “Structures of sin” (not a phrase used by Francis) do exist, but they are not sinners; they were created by sinners and can only be changed by sinners mending their ways. Grand schemes for universal reform may or may not be worth pursuing, but that pursuit can never take the place of doing the good available to us right here and right now. There is not a single one of us who does not have some opportunity to ease the suffering of someone—some one single person or family—who is struggling. The response to Evangelii Gaudium has been more ideological than practical. Maybe that's more the fault of the political atmosphere than of the document itself, but it does seem to me that the document leaves itself open to it.

Another Voice

A basic point of contention between those who emphasize the free market and those who emphasize the role of the state is the connection between economics and ethics. Many of the former insist on economic laws which are to some degree independent of ethics; many of the latter act as if ethical directives need take little or no account of economic realities. Bringing the kind of clarity to the abstractions that is missing from Evangelii Gaudium is this concise appraisal of the connection:

A morality that believes itself able to dispense with the technical knowledge of economic laws is not morality but moralism. As such it is the antithesis of morality. A scientific approach that believes itself capable of managing without an ethos misunderstands the reality of man. Therefore it is not scientific. Today we need a maximum of specialized economic understanding, but also a maximum of ethos so that specialized economic understanding may enter the service of the right goals. Only in this way will its knowledge be both politically practicable and socially tolerable.

Guess who: Benedict, then Cardinal Ratzinger, in 1985. The quote is from several passages gathered at Ethika Politika, and I commend to you the whole article. It will renew your appreciation for the remarkable sharpness and clarity of Benedict/Ratzinger's thinking.

A Conservative Response

In one of the better commentaries from a conservative, Ross Douthat urges the right to worry less about defending its views in the abstract and more about judging those views in light of the unquestionable rightness of Francis's focus on the situation of those left behind by prosperity. As I understand it, “trickle-down” is a pejorative not accepted by economists on the right as an accurate description of their views. A better image might be “A rising tide lifts all boats.” But just as it is beyond question that commerce and industrialism have made much of the world better off materially than was dreamt of 300 years ago, it is beyond question that there were always boats that were not lifted, and even overturned and sunk by bigger ones. And there seem to be more, not fewer, of them now than there were 30 years ago. Defenders of markets etc. should give up trying to ignore this or explain it away, accept that it's a real problem, and think about how to ameliorate it. Douthat closes:

Now the challenge for conservative Catholics is...to spend the Francis era not in opposition but seeking integration—meaning an economic vision that remains conservative, but in the details reminds the world that our Catholic faith comes first.

Read the whole column.

 

Comments

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It's that I think he spoke too vaguely, too imprecisely, and in a way that doesn't challenge the individual conscience. If “the system” is the problem, no one in particular is really at fault and no one in particular is obliged to do anything in particular about it, except perhaps to add a bit more noise to the political din.

The thing I like about Belloc's writing on all things economical is that he will certainly admit that "the system" is the problem, but then he explains how that came about and how it could or should be different, to the point where one can more easily identify what one needs to do or refrain from and what things one cannot be held personally responsible for. I have spent about the last 14 years studying this whole question simply so that I can be sure I'm acting in accord with sound morals on matters of finance and economics.

Vague statements are never helpful to me. They tend to cloud the issue, when I want clarity.

As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems.

I cannot possibly agree with that statement. I will have to hope he meant some other, not properly qualified thing. I'm not in the habit of disagreeing with encyclicals.

Clarity is sort of important when you're actually trying to solve specific problems.

Now, what precisely shall I attack? Shall I write an indignant blog post? Run for president? “Speak out for justice,” a phrase rendered tiresome by its employment in hundreds of meretricious causes? Will any of those things help anyone, or change the situation?

Good questions.

Growth in justice requires more than economic growth, while presupposing such growth: it requires decisions, programmes, mechanisms and processes specifically geared to a better distribution of income, the creation of sources of employment and an integral promotion of the poor which goes beyond a simple welfare mentality.

How about we agitate for growth in justice in the realm of marriage law? Let us have no more divorce at all and only permit legal separations under serious conditions. Although to offset the probable reduction in people marrying as a result of such laws, there should be a general reversion to whatever laws and social policies were previously in effect to protect the status of marriage.

That would halt an awful lot of poverty right there, potentially.

If anyone should say that the goods of this world are not meant for the maintenance of all, and that those who have a greater share of these goods, even if obtained by their own industry, do not sin when they refuse to share their wealth with those who have little or nothing, let him be anathema.

Very good. Although there is a little problematic in that the person not wishing to sin by not sharing, faces the perennial problem of how much to share, how, and with whom? At what point is it no longer a sin to hold onto one's own money/goods?

Nor should any of us feel exempted. Ultimately the reason so many American jobs have gone abroad or to illegal immigrants at home is that the people at large did not want to pay the higher prices that would be required if these jobs were done by Americans for an American living wage. All of us can consider such things in our daily life.

I think Aquinas says that the desire to buy cheap is a vice. Although it can be hard to determine exactly where to draw the line there, since objects do not have an absolute monetary value.

You're right, my anathemas (anathemata?) do need some cleaning up.

If the desire to buy cheap is a vice, who can be saved?:-)

I think the "As long as the problems..." statement is an example of the loose and casual way Francis tends to talk. One knows what he's getting at, or at least thinks so, but the statement taken as precise and literal is just incorrect. Maybe it's not fair to take it that way, but he's the pope.

Louise it is not an encyclical, it's an apostolic exhortation.

"As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems."

Crazy me. This sounds very clear and precise to me. The pope sees that the Church's essential mission includes addressing the structures of inequality, of the unjust system that traps the poor in their poverty. To think that any other problems can be "solved" if this evil is not "radically resolved" is illusory.

I heartily endorse your wish that he be ever more precise, though I doubt he will be issuing anathemas. But you all should be careful what you wish for.

Thanks, Grumpy. I don't even know what the difference is.

If the desire to buy cheap is a vice, who can be saved?

Heh!

Daniel, I guess it just looks a little cart before horse to me. I agree that justice is a major part of the Gospel, but I still don't think certain other problems cannot be solved at all. Mostly b/c not all the world's problems are related to material poverty. All of them are caused by sin.

One of the world's problems is solved every time anyone forgives an injury.

"Never keep up any coldness towards your neighbor, or else the Sacred Heart of Jesus Christ will keep aloof from you. When your resentfully call to mind former slights that you have received, you oblige our Lord to recall your past sins which His mercy had made Him forget." (St. Margaret Mary Alacoque)

Good advice, RG.

The words Daniel quotes are clear enough. It's the program that's vague, to say the least. Any problems at all?! No point trying to feed that homeless person, because it won't work till the problems of the poor are radically resolved? "Vague" is a generous way to describe that. It's a strange thing for a Christian to say, much less a pope, as Grumpy's instance implies.

"...justice is a major part of the Gospel." Indeed, and I don't know of any Christians arguing otherwise.

Well said, Maclin.

That Ratzinger quote nicely encapsulates something that had been bothering me for a while. Morality can handle people criticising a well-intentioned action on the grounds of that action's consequences; moralism can't, and conflates criticising the consequences with despising the good intentions. (Granted, someone who despises the good intentions might criticise the results as camouflage, but accusing someone of that should be a last, not first, resort.)

With regards to the autonomy of financial speculation, I note that this is one of the few areas where I've seen pro-free-market/government-is-useless types complain that a market is not regulated enough to ensure a minimal level of honesty and sanity, as high-frequency trading has made possible new modes of market crashes, and also new ways of gaming and distorting financial markets for the rich and well-connected. Governments are playing catch-up with this, in addition to suffering the more time-honoured weaknesses of big-money pressure and regulatory capture causing existing regulation to be cut in unwise places or be too weakly enforced.

"Morality can handle...." Well put. I've never seen the difference expressed so accurately as Benedict/Ratzinger does.

It's not something I know anything much about, but I also have seen the complaints you mentioned in your second paragraph in right-wing publications. It's not uncommon in fact to hear the complaint that really effective regulations have been blocked by the big-finance/government combine, while complex but not very effective regulations are accepted.

As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems.

In the context it is clear that Francis is talking about socio-economic problems, not "any problems" in some sort of absolute sense. As if he is saying that unless there is not a radical resolution of the problems of capitalism that it makes no sense, for example, to change a flat tire, or give alms to a panhandler. Come on, folks, the man is a Jesuit. He is not an idiot. He IS speaking in unusually radical ways, and definitively coming down against corporate capitalism, much to the confusion of certain Catholics of the Americanist persuasion.

Of course it's clear that he's talking about socio-economic problems. But in the immediate context there is no way to make those words as written say anything very clear. If you take them quite literally, they say that "rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation" would "radically resolve the problems of the poor," which as a matter of simple fact is certainly not the case. If you take them a little less literally, they suggest that there's no point in any attempt to address human problems other than agitating for changes in the economic system. Also not the case and not good advice.

It's rhetoric. You have to say "what he really meant was...." "Exhortation" is a good word for this document, and taken in that spirit it's a fine one. I think it's clear by now that he's a passionate man who sometimes speaks carelessly. Not a bad trait in general but not a good one in a modern pope, where the whole world goes over everything he says with a microscope trying to extract the last bit of meaning.

From a priest-friend's fb:

Writing in L’Osservatore Romano, a prominent German cardinal defended Pope Francis’s comments about the economy in his recent apostolic exhortation Evangelii Gaudium [The Joy of the Gospel].

Cardinal Reinhard Marx, who was installed as Archbishop of Munich and Freising in 2008, is a member of the advisory Council of Cardinals established by Pope Francis to assist him in the governance of the Church.

Evangelization, said Cardinal Marx, entails more than catechesis and the administration of the sacraments; it also entails the transformation of society, culture, politics, and the economy.

“The call to think beyond capitalism is not a struggle against the market economy,” he said, as he distinguished the market economy from the financial capitalism that has come to the fore since the 1990s. This financial capitalism, he said, has “led to a catastrophic crisis.”

In criticizing capitalism, he added, he criticizes an ideology that “makes capital the point of departure” and views human persons as “cost factors.” An economic vision that “reduces economic action to capitalism has chosen the morally wrong starting point.”

“To think that somewhere there are pure markets which give rise to the good through free competition is mere ideology,” he added. “Capitalism should not become the model of society” because “it does not take into account individual destinies, the weak and the poor.”

“The social doctrine of the Church,” on the other hand, offers the “spiritual foundations of a social market economy … In the global economic debate, however, these ideas have never played a real role.” Ensuring that the poor play an active role in the Church and in society, rather than simply viewing the poor as objects of charity, is part of the task of evangelization, he added.

“The future is not capitalism, but rather a world community that leaves more space to the model of responsible freedom and that does not accept that people, groups, and individuals are excluded and marginalized,” he concluded.

"I think Aquinas says that the desire to buy cheap is a vice."

Do you have a citation for this? There must be qualifications - if food is so expensive I can't afford to eat properly, it's hard to see how wanting cheap food would be a crime. (And by extension the precise terms of analysis would also give a Thomist view on where the profit motive is legitimate and where it becomes corrupting.)

Yeah, I assumed there must be a bit more to it than that.

Robert, that all sounds like pretty much what the pope was saying, in a somewhat clearer form.

As always, the discussion is a bit handicapped by the lack of a clear and agreed-upon definition of capitalism, so he has to resort to qualifiers like "the financial capitalism that has come to the fore since the 1990s."

Well, better laws regarding marriage and divorce might be something which has a large impact upon socio-economic issues without even beginning to look at "rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation."

It may take me awhile to find the citation, godescalc, but as it happens with your example about food, the problem there is that the food is being sold dear - also a vice.

To know the value of an item one has to consider a just wage for the people producing the item and the cost of the materials etc. It seems to me that most Westerners want to buy food too cheap. If the poor cannot afford food then they need better wages. If the better off complain about food prices, maybe they have their priorities wrong. It is not possible that anyone in my neighbourhood could not afford good, nourishing food, but they seem to expect it cheap anyway.

That was true back home too btw.

http://newadvent.org/summa/3077.htm

Interesting. The reply to objection 2 ought to worry people who speak of economic laws as if they were like the laws of physics.

Waal, this is the full paragraph in English translation:

The need to resolve the structural causes of poverty cannot be delayed, not only for the pragmatic reason of its urgency for the good order of society, but because society needs to be cured of a sickness which is weakening and frustrating it, and which can only lead to new crises. Welfare projects, which meet certain urgent needs, should be considered merely temporary responses. As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality,[173] no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems. Inequality is the root of social ills.

The penultimate sentence is perplexing, the last is contentious, it is unclear whether he is referring to social relations across the globe or to individual societies, and he seems unaware of how fraught with difficulty and how lengthy any process of economic development is. Perhaps the rest of the document revises and extends and clarifies, but this particular paragraph is a train-wreck.

"...he seems unaware of how fraught..."

I think this is a common weakness of economic teaching from the Church. There's a tendency to treat development as an almost natural phenomenon, with the problem being how to distribute the benefits.

I'd forgotten that last sentence was in there. That's a bit odd, too. Not just "inequality is a serious problem" but *the* root of social ills? Although I might be giving too much weight to the "the."

Here is the text of footnote 173, which is in the quoted text:

"This implies the commitment to 'eliminate the structural causes of global economic dysfunction': BENEDICT XVI, Address to the Diplomatic Corps (8 January 2007): AAS 99 (2007), 73.

AAS = Acta Apostolicae Sedis = the Acts of the Holy See (the Pope)

Any low-level papal document, such as an apostolic exhortation, has to be interpreted in light of higher level documents, such asn encyclicals or, even greater, conciliar documents. Here is what Gaudium et spes says about equality. EG should be interpreted in light of this.

29. Since all men possess a rational soul and are created in God's likeness, since they have the same nature and origin, have been redeemed by Christ and enjoy the same divine calling and destiny, the basic equality of all must receive increasingly greater recognition.

True, all men are not alike from the point of view of varying physical power and the diversity of intellectual and moral resources. Nevertheless, with respect to the fundamental rights of the person, every type of discrimination, whether social or cultural, whether based on sex, race, color, social condition, language or religion, is to be overcome and eradicated as contrary to God's intent. For in truth it must still be regretted that fundamental personal rights are still not being universally honored. Such is the case of a woman who is denied the right to choose a husband freely, to embrace a state of life or to acquire an education or cultural benefits equal to those recognized for men.

Therefore, although rightful differences exist between men, the equal dignity of persons demands that a more humane and just condition of life be brought about. For excessive economic and social differences between the members of the one human family or population groups cause scandal, and militate against social justice, equity, the dignity of the human person, as well as social and international peace.

Human institutions, both private and public, must labor to minister to the dignity and purpose of man. At the same time let them put up a stubborn fight against any kind of slavery, whether social or political, and safeguard the basic rights of man under every political system. Indeed human institutions themselves must be accommodated by degrees to the highest of all realities, spiritual ones, even though meanwhile, a long enough time will be required before they arrive at the desired goal.

Interesting. The reply to objection 2 ought to worry people who speak of economic laws as if they were like the laws of physics.

Indeed.

I don't think anybody now would argue against the fundamental ontology equality of all. But it really strikes me, considering subsequent history, that there was a lot of potential for mischief in this: "Nevertheless, with respect to the fundamental rights of the person, every type of discrimination, whether social or cultural, whether based on sex, race, color, social condition, language or religion, is to be overcome and eradicated as contrary to God's intent." I don't suppose it occurred to the council fathers that such language could be taken as demanding the eradication of all distinctions between the sexes.

I tend to wonder if the Pope's thinking is making excess use of Latin America as a frame of reference. Latin American societies commonly have malintegrated labor markets (with large populations in the informal economy), abnormally skewed income distributions, hideous crime rates, and a multi-tiered private sector which consists of an 'official' business community which carefully maintains connections to politicians to navigate complex mercantile regulation and an 'unofficial' community of off-the-books employers. Rent-seeking, politically determined incomes, and incestuous relations between business and politics are pervasive in this world, but particularly problematic in Latin America.

I'm sure his view is colored by Latin America. It would be a mistake, though, to think it doesn't have significant application to us. There are indications of our heading in the same direction. I'm quite sure many of our wealthiest people would be perfectly fine with the traditional LA situation: lots of desperately poor, a relatively small middle class, and plenty of mechanisms for insulating themselves from the misery. Rent-seeking seems to be on the rise here.

what is rent-seeking?

Wikipedia. As I understand it in contemporary contexts, it seems mostly to refer to a business model which relies on twisting the levers of government to steer money or trade your way.

thanks

ok, that was interesting. I'm interested in how this applied to the guilds.

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